How Gaza war has set back Palestinian agriculture, deepened hunger crisis

Analysis How Gaza war has set back Palestinian agriculture, deepened hunger crisis
The conflict between Israel and the Palestinian militant group Hamas has all but destroyed Gaza’s agrifood system. (FAO)
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Updated 21 August 2024
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How Gaza war has set back Palestinian agriculture, deepened hunger crisis

How Gaza war has set back Palestinian agriculture, deepened hunger crisis
  • More than half of Gaza’s cropland and a third of its greenhouses have been destroyed by the conflict, contributing to malnutrition
  • FAO says the devastation of Gaza’s agriculture has led to severe food insecurity, with 1 in 5 Gazans facing extreme hunger

DUBAI: Before the war, Mohamed El-Yaty, 39, a farmer from Deir Al-Balah in central Gaza, used to wake up and set to work at 6am, take a break at noon, return to his fields after Asr prayer around 4pm, and then work until Maghrib prayer after 7pm.

His entire life revolved around the routine of farming. But since the conflict in Gaza began on Oct. 7 last year, El-Yaty has been able to farm only about half his land, drastically reducing his yields of eggplants, cucumbers, peppers and tomatoes.

“Before the war, we had food — it was available and accessible,” he told an official from the Food and Agriculture Organization of the UN. “Meat, vegetables, everything was available. Good food. Today, everything is canned.”

El-Yaty said he has lost 22 members of his family over the course of the conflict between Israel and the Palestinian militant group Hamas — a war that has killed at least 40,000 Gazans, according to the local health ministry.




Even before the present crisis, up to 1.8 million people — one third of the Palestinian population — were considered food insecure. (AFP)

Many of the greenhouses that El-Yaty had tended on his 13 dunams of land — equivalent to about 13,000 square meters — have been destroyed by shelling. “My home was at my farm,” he said. “In the morning, my workers and I would harvest and plant, and we were 100 percent happy.”

Gaza was once largely self-sufficient in vegetables, dairy products, poultry and fish. It also produced a large amount of the fruit and red meat that its population consumed. Now the conflict has all but destroyed the enclave’s agrifood system, leading to poor nutrition and food insecurity.

A recent analysis by the FAO using satellite imagery found widespread damage to agricultural infrastructure throughout Gaza, including the destruction of at least 57 percent of its cropland, damage to 33 percent of its greenhouses, and significant damage to wells and solar panels.

Additionally, drastic shortages of water and fodder have resulted in the death of approximately 70 percent of the enclave’s livestock since October, while about 70 percent of Gaza’s fishing vessels have been destroyed.

Electricity shortages have also disrupted refrigeration, irrigation and incubation devices, severely affecting agricultural livelihoods. Today, only small-scale farming, fishing and animal husbandry continues — and only when security allows.

“Before the hostilities, a protracted conflict and frequent escalations in the Gaza Strip had already eroded the Gazan economy and the long-term sustainability of various sectors, including agriculture,” Abdulhakim Elwaer, FAO’s assistant director-general and regional representative for the Near East and North Africa, told Arab News.

Damage to agricultural infrastructure over the course of this latest conflict will have a long-term impact on Gaza’s post-war recovery. FAO figures suggest that up to 10 percent of the pre-war population had relied on agriculture as a main source of income.

“According to a recent World Bank report, this conflict will have lasting effects on the impacted populations in Gaza and the West Bank far beyond what can be captured in numbers alone,” Elwaer said.




Due to restrictions imposed by Israel on the delivery of humanitarian aid,  Palestinians are not receiving sufficiently nutritious fresh food. (AFP)

Yousef Al-Masri, 53, a farmer from Khan Younis, lost his home in the fighting, forcing him to move to a place of safety three kilometers from his land.

Before Oct. 7, Al-Masri grew peppers, eggplants, cabbage, tomatoes and corn on his farm. Not only was it his main source of income — it was also a source of pride, dignity and identity. The war has robbed him of that role.

“Our conditions are very difficult in terms of everything: Electricity, water, houses,” Al-Masri told the FAO. “What more can I say … we are not going to find food — this agricultural season is gone. Next season we won’t find anything to grow.”

INNUMBERS

• 57% Gaza’s cropland damaged by the conflict (UN).

• 20% Gazans expected to face extreme hunger due to food insecurity.

Even before the present crisis, up to 1.8 million people — one third of the Palestinian population — were considered food insecure.

Of these, 1.5 million were severely food insecure, and 1.2 million of them were in the Gaza Strip, according to a 2023 report by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.

Food insecurity was driven by high rates of poverty resulting from unemployment, which was in part due to Israeli restrictions on freedom of movement, as well as high prices for food and recurrent economic shocks.




The conflict has all but destroyed Gaza’s agrifood system, leading to poor nutrition and food insecurity. (AFP)

According to data published by the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification global initiative on June 25, about 96 percent of the population of Gaza will encounter high levels of acute food insecurity by September.

Under the present conditions, nearly half a million people are at risk of starvation, meaning that one in five Gazans already face extreme hunger and more than 20 percent are going entire days and nights without eating.

Due to restrictions imposed by Israel on the delivery of humanitarian aid, consisting of predominantly non-perishable canned goods, Palestinians are not receiving sufficiently nutritious fresh food.

In recognition of this nutritional shortage, the FAO, supported by the governments of Belgium, Italy and Norway, is delivering barley fodder to feed Gaza’s surviving livestock and increase milk production.




Gaza was once largely self-sufficient in vegetables, dairy products, poultry and fish. (AFP)

“Gazan farmers are ready to restart production given access to necessary inputs like seeds, plastic sheds for greenhouses, fodder, animal vaccines, fish feed and fuel,” Elwaer told Arab News.

The FAO’s priority, he said, “is importing and distributing fodder to sustain the 30,000 small ruminants still alive in Gaza, crucial for milk production essential for children’s nutrition and growth.”

The UN agency is also helping Gazan farmers to resume vegetable, meat and fish production, vital for food security and balanced nutrition, by scaling up efforts to deliver essential food production inputs.

Meanwhile, in the West Bank, ongoing settler violence, raids, property destruction and the confiscation of land has undermined agricultural activity, already hindered by limited access to natural resources, markets and essential services. This has led to an increased dependency on food imports.

But since Israel stopped issuing work permits after Oct. 7, Palestinians who previously traveled every day to work on Israeli farms have instead begun tilling the land in the West Bank.

About 200,000 Palestinians from the West Bank worked in Israel, legally or illegally, prior to the conflict, according to the Palestinian General Confederation of Labor. Many lost their livelihoods literally overnight.




The FAO’s priority “is importing and distributing fodder to sustain the 30,000 small ruminants still alive in Gaza, crucial for milk production essential for children’s nutrition and growth.” (FAO)

Working in agriculture in the West Bank has enabled many to make a living while also protecting their land from the encroachment of illegal Israeli settlements.

“It’s a very useful job and, above all, safe,” Hussein Jamil, a Palestinian farmworker in the West Bank, told the AFP news agency.

“We are independent and peaceful. It’s much better than working in Israel. Here we work on our land.”

 


Freedom is bittersweet for Palestinians released from Israeli jails

Freedom is bittersweet for Palestinians released from Israeli jails
Updated 57 min 39 sec ago
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Freedom is bittersweet for Palestinians released from Israeli jails

Freedom is bittersweet for Palestinians released from Israeli jails
  • Since the start of the war the number of Palestinians in Israeli jails has doubled to more than 10,000
  • Many prisoners are never told why they were detained

RAMALLAH: When Dania Hanatsheh was released from an Israeli jail this week and dropped off by bus into a sea of jubilant Palestinians in Ramallah, it was an uncomfortable déjà vu.
After nearly five months of detention, it was the second time the 22-year-old woman had been freed as part of a deal between Israel and Hamas to pause the war in Gaza.
Hanatsheh’s elation at being free again is tinged with sadness about the devastation in Gaza, she said, as well as uncertainty about whether she could be detained in the future — a common feeling in her community.
“Palestinian families are prepared to be arrested at any moment,” said Hanatsheh, one of 90 women and teenagers released by Israel during the first phase of the ceasefire deal. “You feel helpless like you can’t do anything to protect yourself.”
Nearly 2,000 Palestinian prisoners are to be released as part of a deal to halt the fighting for six weeks, free 33 hostages from Gaza, and increase fuel and aid deliveries to the territory. Many of the prisoners to be released have been detained for infractions such as throwing stones or Molotov cocktails, while others are convicted of killing Israelis.
Hanatsheh was first arrested in November 2023, just weeks into the war triggered by Hamas’ deadly attack on Israel. She was freed days later during a weeklong ceasefire in which hundreds of Palestinians were released in exchange for nearly half of the roughly 250 hostages Hamas and others dragged into Gaza.
She was detained again in August, when Israeli troops burst through her door, using an explosive, she said.
On neither occasion was she told why she’d been arrested, she said. A list maintained by Israel’s justice ministry says Hanatsheh was detained for “supporting terror,” although she was never charged or given a trial and doesn’t belong to any militant group.
Her story resonates across Palestinian society, where nearly every family — in Gaza, the West Bank and east Jerusalem — has a relative who has spent time in an Israeli jail. This has left scars on generations of families, leaving fewer breadwinners and forcing children to grow up without one or both parents for long stretches.
Since the start of the war 15 months ago, the number of Palestinians in Israeli jails has doubled to more than 10,000, a figure that includes detainees from Gaza, and several thousand arrested in the West Bank and east Jerusalem, according to Hamoked, an Israeli legal group.
Many prisoners are never told why they were detained. Israel’s “administrative detention” policy allows it to jail people — as it did with Hanatsheh — based on secret evidence, without publicly charging them or ever holding a trial. Only intelligence officers or judges know the charges, said Amjad Abu Asab, head of the Detainees’ Parents Committee in Jerusalem.
Under the terms of the ceasefire, the Palestinian prisoners released by Israel cannot be later rearrested on the same charges, or returned to jail to finish serving time for past offenses. Prisoners are not required to sign any document upon their release.
The conditions for Palestinian prisoners deteriorated greatly after the war in Gaza began. The country’s then-national security minister, Itamar Ben-Gvir, boasted last year that prisons will no longer be “summer camps” under his watch.
Several of the prisoners released this week said they lacked adequate food and medical care and that they were forced to sleep in cramped cells.
Men and women prisoners in Israel are routinely beaten and sprayed with pepper gas, and they are deprived of family visits or a change of clothes, said Khalida Jarrar, the most prominent detainee freed.
For years, Jarrar, 62, has been in and out of prison as a leading member of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, a leftist faction with an armed wing that has carried out attacks on Israelis.
Human Rights Watch has decried Jarrar’s repeated arrests — she was last detained late in 2023 — as part of an unjust Israeli crackdown on non-violent political opposition.
At an event in Ramallah to welcome home the newly released prisoners, Jarrar greeted a long line of well- wishers. But not everyone was celebrating. Some families worried the ceasefire wouldn’t last long enough for their relatives to be freed.
During the ceasefire’s first phase, Israel and Hamas and mediators from Qatar, the US and Egypt will try to agree upon a second phase, in which all remaining hostages in Gaza would be released in exchange for more Palestinian prisoners, a complete Israeli withdrawal from Gaza and a “sustainable calm.” Negotiations on the second phase begin on the sixteenth day of the ceasefire.
For Yassar Saadat, the first release of prisoners was a particularly bittersweet moment. His mother, Abla Abdelrasoul, was freed after being under “administrative detention” since September, according to the justice ministry, which said her crime was “security to the state — other.” But his father — one of the most high-profile prisoners in Israel — remains behind bars.
“We don’t know if he’ll be released, but we don’t lose hope,” he said. His father, Ahmad Saadat, is a leader of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine who was convicted of killing an Israeli Cabinet minister in 2001 and has been serving a 30-year sentence.
It’s unclear if he’ll be released and, even if he is, whether he’ll be able to see his family. The ceasefire agreement says all Palestinian prisoners convicted of deadly attacks who are released will be exiled, either to Gaza or abroad, and barred from ever returning to Israel or the West Bank.
The release of some convicted murderers is a sore spot for many Israelis, and particularly those whose relatives were killed.
Micah Avni’s father, Richard Lakin, was shot and stabbed to death by a member of Hamas on a public bus in 2015 and his killer’s name is on the list of prisoners to be freed in phase one. While Avni is grateful that more hostages in Gaza are beginning to come home, he doesn’t believe it’ll lead to long-term peace between Israel and Hamas.
“These deals come with a huge, huge cost of life and there are going to be many, many, many more people murdered in the future by the people who were released,” he said.
Israel has a history of agreeing to lopsided exchanges. In 2011, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu agreed to release more than 1,000 Palestinian prisoners in exchange for a single Israeli soldier, Gilad Schalit, taken hostage by Hamas.
One of the prisoners released during that deal was Hamas’ former top leader, Yahya Sinwar, a mastermind of the Oct. 7 attack who was killed by Israeli troops in Gaza last year.
Some Palestinians said the lopsided exchanges of prisoners for hostages is justified by Israel’s seemingly arbitrary detention policies. Others said, for now, all they want to focus on is lost time with their families.
Amal Shujaeiah said she spent more than seven months in prison, accused by Israel of partaking in pro-Palestinian events at her university and hosting a podcast that talked about the war in Gaza.
Back home, the 21-year-old beamed as she embraced friends and relatives.
“Today I am among my family and loved ones, indescribable joy ... a moment of freedom that makes you forget the sorrow.”


Syria’s economic pains far from over despite Assad’s ouster

Syria’s economic pains far from over despite Assad’s ouster
Updated 54 min 57 sec ago
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Syria’s economic pains far from over despite Assad’s ouster

Syria’s economic pains far from over despite Assad’s ouster
  • Wealthy Gulf countries have pledged to build economic partnerships with Syria’s new interim rulers
  • The United Nations in 2017 estimated that it would cost at least $250 billion to rebuild Syria, now number could reach at least $400 billion

DAMASCUS: Samir Al-Baghdad grabbed his pickax and walked up a wobbly set of stairs made of cinderblocks and rubble.
He is rebuilding his destroyed family house in the Qaboun neighborhood near Damascus, Syria ‘s capital.
The traditional building, which once housed his family, parents and some relatives, had a courtyard decorated with plants and tiled floors where guests were received. But the house, like scores of others nearby, has been reduced to heaps of rubble during years of civil war.
Al-Baghdadi can’t afford to hire workers or rent a bulldozer to clear the debris and fix the house. He makes just about enough money as a mechanic to feed his family. But he’s desperate to rebuild it because he is struggling to pay skyrocketing rent for an apartment.
“Economic opportunities are basically nonexistent,” Al-Baghdadi said, sitting on a pile of rubble and debris where the house’s entrance used to be. “So we’re going to slowly rebuild with our own hands.”
Although Syrian President Bashar Assad was toppled last month in a lightning insurgency, the country’s dire economic conditions that protesters decried have not changed.
The economy has been battered by corruption and 13 years of civil war. Coupled with international sanctions and mismanagement, inflation skyrocketed, pulling some 90 percent of the country into poverty. Over half the population — some 12 million people — don’t know where their next meal will come from, according to the UN World Food Program.
With no sign of a full-scale withdrawal of international sanctions and continuing caution among potential overseas investors, the honeymoon period for the country’s new rulers could be short-lived.
Qaboun, just a stone’s throw away from the city center, and other eastern Damascus neighborhoods became rebel strongholds in 2012, when the country’s mass protests against Assad spiraled into all-out war.
It suffered government airstrikes and artillery fire, and at one point Daesh group extremists. In 2017, government forces reclaimed the neighborhood, but when Al-Baghdadi tried to return in 2020, security forces kicked him out and forced him to sign a pledge to never return, saying it was a security zone that was off limits.
After Assad’s fall, Al-Baghdadi was finally able to return. Like many, he was euphoric and hoped it would pave the way for better times despite the many challenges that lay ahead, including rampant power cuts and fuel shortages.
For years, Syrian families have relied on humanitarian aid and remittances from family members living abroad to survive. On top of the gargantuan costs of rebuilding the country’s destroyed electricity, water and road infrastructure, money is needed to restore its battered agriculture and industrial sectors to make its hobbled economy productive again.
The United Nations in 2017 estimated that it would cost at least $250 billion to rebuild Syria. Some experts now say that number could reach at least $400 billion.
Wealthy Gulf countries have pledged to build economic partnerships with Syria’s new interim rulers, while Washington has eased some restrictions without fully lifting its sanctions. The US Treasury Department issued a six-month license authorizing some transactions with Syria’s interim government. While it includes some energy sales, Syrians say it isn’t enough.
Sinan Hatahet, an economic researcher at the Washington-based Atlantic Council think tank, said the US actions were the “bare minimum” needed to show good faith to Damascus and aren’t enough to help Syria jumpstart its economy.
“It doesn’t help the private sector to engage,” Hatahet said. “The restrictions on trade, the restrictions on reconstruction, on rebuilding the infrastructure are still there.”
While countries are hesitant to make more impactful decisions as they hope for a peaceful political transition, many Syrians say the economy can’t wait.
“Without jobs, without huge flows of money and investments … these families have no way of making ends meet,” Hatahet said.
The executive director of the World Food Program echoed similar sentiments, warning Syria’s neighbors that its food and economic crisis is also a crisis of security.
“Hunger does not breed good will,” Cindy McCain said in an interview during her first visit to Damascus.
In the Syrian capital’s bustling old marketplace, crowds of people pack the narrow passageways as the country’s new de facto flag is draped over the crowded stalls. Merchants say the atmosphere is pleasant and celebratory, but nobody is buying anything.
People stop to smell the aromatic and colorful spices or pose for photos next to masked fighters from the ruling Hayat Tahrir Al-Sham group guarding the market’s entrances.
“We’re very happy with our liberation, thank God, but there are few jobs,” said Walid Naoura, who works with his father at a clothing shop. “Yes, we’ve been relieved of thuggery and oppression, but all these people here have come to celebrate but not to buy anything because things are expensive.”
Nearby, Abou Samir, a carpenter, saws a piece of wood as he assembles a chest of drawers. There is no electricity to power his machinery, so he’s doing it by hand.
“I’m working at a loss … and you can’t make larger workshops work because there is no electricity,” he said.
His sons live abroad and send money to help him get by, but he refuses to stop his carpentry work which has been his livelihood for 50 years.
In Qaboun, Al-Baghdadi sips tea on a makeshift porch overlooking his neighborhood, which has turned into empty plots and a gathering point for local buses and minivans. It was a successful day because he managed to connect an electric cable to power a single light bulb — but part of his roof collapsed.
He still hasn’t been able to secure running water but hopes that he and his family can move into the house with its many memories before summer, even if it is far from completion because of his financial situation.
“I prefer that to living in a palace elsewhere,” Al-Baghdadi said.


US air force looks to upgrade Cyprus air base as humanitarian staging post for the Middle East

US air force looks to upgrade Cyprus air base as humanitarian staging post for the Middle East
Updated 24 January 2025
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US air force looks to upgrade Cyprus air base as humanitarian staging post for the Middle East

US air force looks to upgrade Cyprus air base as humanitarian staging post for the Middle East
  • Cyprus, which is only 184 km from the Lebanese capital, has served as a transit point for the repatriation of foreign nationals fleeing conflict in the Mideast
  • The Cyprus government agreed to the air base upgrade assessment following the recent deployment of a US Marine contingent at the base

NICOSIA, Cyprus: Experts from the US Air Force are looking at ways to upgrade Cyprus’ premier air base for use as a humanitarian staging post in future operations in the Middle East, a Cypriot official told The Associated Press Thursday.
Cyprus, which is only 184 kilometers (114 miles) from the Lebanese capital, Beirut, has acted as a transit point for the repatriation of foreign nationals fleeing conflict in the Middle East and beyond on numerous occasions in the past. It has also served as a transit point for humanitarian aid to Gaza.
Experts from the 435th Contingency Response Group based out of Ramstein, Germany, will spend the next few days at Andreas Papandreou Air Force Base to assess the upgrade needed to accommodate a wide array of US air assets and other forces.
A key priority is to ensure air traffic safety in and around the base, which abuts the island’s second-largest civilian airport, the official said. The base’s location makes it easy to transfer evacuees onto civilian aircraft at the adjacent airport for their trip home.
The official spoke to the Associated Press on condition of anonymity because he’s not authorized to speak publicly about the details of the experts’ visit.
Air traffic safety would need to be enhanced through new high-tech installations, including state-of-the-art radar, to ensure the independent operation of civilian and military aircraft at safe distances.
“The Americans are very specific on safety issues and want to make some upgrades to further improve the base’s safety,” the official said.
Other essential upgrades include expanding both the base itself and the runway to accommodate more transport and fighter aircraft. Hardened shelters to protect those air assets are also envisioned.
The Cyprus government agreed to the air base upgrade assessment following the recent deployment of a US Marine contingent at the base. The Marines, who were equipped with V-22 Osprey tiltrotor military transport and cargo aircraft, were on stand-by in the event of a swift evacuation of US citizens from nearby Lebanon during Israel’s strikes against Hezbollah targets late last year.
Deputy government spokesman Yannis Antoniou told the state broadcaster Thursday that any use of the base by the forces of the US or other nations would require prior Cyprus government approval. He insisted the air base would not act as a forward base for military strike operations against targets in the region.
“We’ve shown interest in working with (US Forces) because we consider this to serve the vital interests of the Cyprus Republic,” Antoniou said, adding that in their report, the USAF experts will offer an estimate of the upgrade costs and which percentage of those the US government would be willing to cover.
Bilateral relations between European Union member Cyprus and the US, especially in terms of military cooperation, have grown significantly over the last few years following a pledge by Cypriot President Nikos Christodoulides to affirm the ethnically divided country’s “clear Western orientation.”
A manifestation of those ties was last week’s directive by former President Joe Biden that allows Cyprus to buy arms from the US government and get surplus American military equipment.
The Cypriot government noted the development as a tangible acknowledgment of Cyprus’ reliability as a US partner in the region.


US Secretary of State Rubio backs ‘inclusive’ transition in Syria in call with Turkiye

US Secretary of State Rubio backs ‘inclusive’ transition in Syria in call with Turkiye
Updated 24 January 2025
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US Secretary of State Rubio backs ‘inclusive’ transition in Syria in call with Turkiye

US Secretary of State Rubio backs ‘inclusive’ transition in Syria in call with Turkiye
  • Rubio’s comments signal a consistency with his predecessor Antony Blinken, who used similar language as he called on Syria’s new leaders to protect minority rights and not pose a threat to neighboring countries

WASHINGTON: US Secretary of State Marco Rubio called for an inclusive transition in Syria after the fall of leader Bashar Assad, in a call with powerbroker Turkiye, the State Department said Thursday.
Rubio’s comments signal a consistency with his predecessor Antony Blinken, who on a trip to the region last month used similar language as he called on Syria’s new leaders to protect minority rights and not pose a threat to neighboring countries.
In a call with Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan that took place Wednesday, Rubio “highlighted the need for an inclusive transition in Syria,” State Department spokeswoman Tammy Bruce said.
Rubio also called for “ensuring that the new government prevents Syria from becoming a source for international terrorism, and denying foreign malign actors the opportunity to exploit Syria’s transition for their own objectives,” she said.
Assad, allied with Iran and Russia, had ruthlessly crushed an uprising that erupted in 2011 but was swiftly deposed last month in a lightning raid by Turkish-backed rebels formerly affiliated with Al-Qaeda.
Turkish-backed fighters have been battling Kurdish forces in Syria, who allied with the United States in the battle against the Daesh (IS) extremist group but who Ankara associates with Kurdish militants at home.
 


‘Living in a cage’: West Bank checkpoints proliferate after Gaza truce

‘Living in a cage’: West Bank checkpoints proliferate after Gaza truce
Updated 24 January 2025
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‘Living in a cage’: West Bank checkpoints proliferate after Gaza truce

‘Living in a cage’: West Bank checkpoints proliferate after Gaza truce
  • According to the Palestinian Wall Resistance Commission, 146 iron gates were erected around the West Bank after the Gaza war began

TAYBEH, Palestinian Territories: Father Bashar Basiel moved freely in and out of his parish in the occupied West Bank until Israeli troops installed gates at the entrance of his village Taybeh overnight, just hours after a ceasefire began in Gaza.
“We woke up and we were surprised to see that we have the iron gates in our entrance of Taybeh, on the roads that are going to Jericho, to Jerusalem, to Nablus,” said Basiel, a Catholic priest in the Christian village north of Ramallah.
All over the West Bank, commuters have been finding that their journey to work takes much longer since the Gaza ceasefire started.
“We have not lived such a difficult situation (in terms of movement) since the Second Intifada,” Basiel told AFP in reference to a Palestinian uprising in the early 2000s.
He said he was used to the checkpoints, which are dotted along the separation barrier that cuts through much of the West Bank and at the entrances to Palestinian towns and cities.
But while waiting times got longer in the aftermath of the October 2023 Hamas attack that sparked the Gaza war, now it has become almost impossible to move between cities and villages in the West Bank.
Left-leaning Israeli newspaper Haaretz reported that Israeli authorities ordered the military to operate dozens of checkpoints around the West Bank during the first 42 days of the ceasefire.
According to the Palestinian Wall Resistance Commission, 146 iron gates were erected around the West Bank after the Gaza war began, 17 of them in January alone, bringing the total number of roadblocks in the Palestinian territory to 898.
“Checkpoints are still checkpoints, but the difference now is that they’ve enclosed us with gates. That’s the big change,” said Anas Ahmad, who found himself stuck in traffic for hours on his way home after a usually open road near the university town of Birzeit was closed.
Hundreds of drivers were left idling on the road out of the city as they waited for the Israeli soldiers to allow them through.
The orange metal gates Ahmad was referring to are a lighter version of full checkpoints, which usually feature a gate and concrete shelters for soldiers checking drivers’ IDs or searching their vehicles.
“The moment the truce was signed, everything changed 180 degrees. The Israeli government is making the Palestinian people pay the price,” said Ahmad, a policeman who works in Ramallah.
Israeli military spokesman Nadav Shoshani did not comment on whether there had been an increase in the number of checkpoints but said the military used them to arrest wanted Palestinian militants.
“We make sure that the terrorists do not get away but the civilians have a chance to get out or go wherever they want and have their freedom of movement,” he said in a media briefing on Wednesday.
Basiel said that now, when the gates are closed, “I have to wait, or I have to take another way” into Taybeh, a quiet village known for its brewery.
He said that on Monday people waited in their cars from 4:00 p.m. to 2:00 am while each vehicle entering the village was meticulously checked.
Another Ramallah area resident, who preferred not to be named for security reasons, compared his new environment to that of a caged animal.
“It’s like rabbits living in a cage. In the morning they can go out, do things, then in the evening they have to go home to the cage,” he said.
Shadi Zahod, a government employee who commutes daily between Salfit and Ramallah, felt similarly constrained.
“It’s as if they’re sending us a message: stay trapped in your town, don’t go anywhere,” he told AFP.
“Since the truce, we’ve been paying the price in every Palestinian city,” he said, as his wait at a checkpoint in Birzeit dragged into a third hour.
Before approving the Gaza ceasefire, Israel’s security cabinet reportedly added to its war goals the “strengthening of security” in the West Bank.
Israeli human rights group B’Tselem said in a statement on Tuesday that Israel “is merely shifting its focus from Gaza to other areas it controls in the West Bank.”
A 2019 academic paper by Jerusalem’s Applied Research Institute estimated that at the time Palestinians lost 60 million work hours per year to restrictions.
But for Basiel, the worst impact is an inability to plan even a day ahead.
“The worst thing that we are facing now, is that we don’t have any vision for the near future, even tomorrow.”