A displaced family’s year of fleeing across the devastated Gaza Strip

A displaced family’s year of fleeing across the devastated Gaza Strip
Palestinian children receive food at a UN-run school in Rafah, on the southern Gaza Strip on October 23, 2023 amid ongoing battles between Israel and Hamas militants. (AFP)
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Updated 06 October 2024
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A displaced family’s year of fleeing across the devastated Gaza Strip

A displaced family’s year of fleeing across the devastated Gaza Strip
  • Israel’s war on Gaza has displaced nearly the entire population of Gaza — 1.9 million of its 2.3 million Palestinians

DEIR AL-BALAH: Ne’man Abu Jarad sat on a tarp on the ground. Around him, canvas sheets hung from cords, forming the walls of his tent. For the past year, Ne’man; his wife, Majida; and their six daughters have trekked the length of the Gaza Strip, trying to survive as Israeli forceswreaked destruction around them.
It’s a far cry from their house in northern Gaza — a place of comforting routine, of love, affection and safety. A place where loved ones gathered around the kitchen table or on the roof on summer evenings amid the scent of roses and jasmine flowers.
“Your house is your homeland. Everything good in our life was the home,” Ne’man said. “Everything in it, whether physical or intangible — family, neighbors, my siblings who were all around me.
“We are missing all that.”
The Abu Jarad family lost that stability when Israel launched its war on Gaza in retaliation for Hamas’ Oct. 7 attack.
They did exactly as the Israelis ordered in the devastating weeks and months of war that followed. They obeyed evacuation calls. They moved where the military told them to move. Seven times they fled, and each time, their lives became more unrecognizable to them, crowding with strangers in a school classroom, searching for water in a vast tent camp or sleeping on the street.


The Associated Press traced the family’s journey as they were driven from their home. Israel’s war has displaced nearly the entire population of Gaza — 1.9 million of its 2.3 million Palestinians — and killed more than 41,600 people, according to the Gaza Health Ministry. Like the Abu Jarads, most families have been uprooted multiple times.
For this family, the journey has taken them from a comfortable middle-class life to ruin.
Before the war: A cozy life
Living at the northernmost end of Gaza, most days before the war in Beit Hanoun were simple. Ne’man headed out each morning to work as a taxi driver. Majida got their daughters off to school. Their youngest, Lana, had started first grade. Hoda, the 18-year-old, was in her first year at university. The eldest, Balsam, just had her first baby.
Majida spent much of her day doing housework — her face lights up when she talks about her kitchen, the center of family life.
Ne’man had planted the garden with a grapevine and covered the roof with potted flowers. Watering them in the evenings was a soothing ritual. Then, the family and neighbors would sit on the front stoop or the roof to chat.
“The area would always smell nice,” he said. “People would say we have perfume because of how beautiful the flowers are.”
Oct. 7: The attack
On the morning of Oct. 7, the family heard Hamas rockets firing and news of the militants’ attack into southern Israel, in which some 1,200 people were killed and 250 kidnapped.
The Abu Jarads knew that the Israeli response would be swift and that their house, only about 2 kilometers (1.2 miles) from the border fence with Israel, would be on the front line.
By 9 a.m., Ne’man and Majida, their six daughters, and Ne’man’s sister packed up what they could and fled, as the Israeli military issued one of its first evacuation orders.
“It makes no sense to be stubborn and stay,” Majida said. “It is not about one person. I am part of a family and have girls.”
Oct. 7-13: Staying with Majida’s parents
Like many, the family tried, at first, to stay close to home. They went to stay with Majida’s parents, in Beit Lahiya about a kilometer (.6 miles) away.
“The place was very comfortable, to be honest. I felt like I was at home,” Majida said. “But we were living in fear and terror.”
Already, Beit Lahiya was being heavily bombarded. Over the six days they were there, at least nine Israeli strikes hit the town, killing dozens, according to the conflict monitor Airwars. Entire families were killed or wounded under the rubble of their homes.
As the explosions got closer, shrapnel pierced water tanks at Majida’s parents’ home. Windows shattered as the family huddled inside.
It was time to move again.
Oct. 13-15: Refuge at a hospital
When they arrived at Al-Quds hospital, the family saw for the first time the scale of displacement.
The building and its grounds were packed with thousands of people. All around northern Gaza, families took refuge in hospitals, hoping they’d be safe.
The family found a small space on the floor, barely enough room to spread their blanket amid the frantic medical staff struggling with the wounded.
It was a black night and there were strikes, Majida remembers. “The martyrs and wounded were strewn on the floor,” she said.
The day after they arrived, a strike smashed into a house a few hundred meters away, killing a prominent doctor and some two dozen members of his family, many of them children.
The Israeli military ordered all civilians to leave northern Gaza, setting in motion a wave of hundreds of thousands of people heading south across Wadi Gaza, the stream and wetlands that divide the north from the rest of the strip.
The family joined the exodus.
Oct. 15-Dec. 26: A cramped school
The family walked 10 kilometers (6 miles) until they reached the UN-run Girls’ Preparatory School in the Nuseirat refugee camp.
Every classroom and corridor was packed with families from the north. Majida, the daughters and Ne’man’s sister found a tiny space in a classroom already housing more than 100 women and children. For privacy in the cramped conditions, Ne’man moved in with the men in tents outside, in the schoolyard.
This was their home for more than 10 weeks. Majida and the girls slept curled up on the floor, without enough space even to extend their legs. As winter set in, there weren’t enough blankets.
The bathrooms were the worst part, Majida said. Only a few toilets served thousands of people. Getting a shower was a miracle, she said. People went weeks unable to bathe. Skin diseases ran rampant.
Every day, the daughters went at dawn to wait in line at the few bakeries still working and came back in the afternoon, sometimes with only one flatbread. One day, Ne’man and his daughters walked 5 kilometers (3 miles) to the town of Deir Al-Balah, looking for drinkable water.
“If it wasn’t for the kind people in Deir Al-Balah who took pity on us and gave us half a gallon, we could have returned with nothing,” Ne’man said.
As strikes continued, the family decided to go as far as possible, trekking 20 kilometers (12 miles) to Rafah, at Gaza’s southernmost end.
Dec. 26-May 14: Life in a tent
The Abu Jarads weren’t the only ones: As Israeli evacuation orders ate away at more and more of Gaza, nearly half of the population crammed into Rafah.
Here, the family had their first taste of living in a tent.
They set up amid the massive sprawl of tens of thousands of tents on Rafah’s outskirts, near UN aid warehouses known as “the barracks.”
“In the winter, it was hell, water drenched us,” Majida said. “We slept on the ground, nothing under us, and no covers.”
They had no money to buy food in the markets, where prices soared. The youngest girls got sick with colds and diarrhea, and there was no nearby pharmacy to buy medicine. The family survived completely off UN handouts of flour and other basics.
“To buy one tomato or cucumber and find it in the tent was like a dream,” Ne’man said.
Like so many others, they’d believed Rafah was the last safe place in Gaza.
It was not.
In the first week of May, Israel ordered the evacuation of all of Rafah. Then its troops pushed into the city. Bombardment intensified.
Ne’man and Majida tried to stay as long as possible. But an airstrike hit nearby, he said, killing four of Ne’man’s cousins and a young girl.
May 16-Aug. 16: “Humanitarian zone”
Palestinians who’d packed into Rafah — more than 1 million — all streamed out again, fleeing the Israeli offensive.
They scattered across southern and central Gaza. New tent cities filled beaches, fields, empty lots, schoolyards, cemeteries, even dumpsites – any open space.
The Abu Jarads moved by foot and donkey cart until they reached a former amusement park known as Asdaa City. Now its Ferris wheel stood above a landscape of tents stretching as far as the eye could see.
Here, in Muwasi, a barren area of dunes and fields along the coast, Israel had declared a “humanitarian zone” – though there was little aid, food or water.
Every amenity once taken for granted was a distant memory. Now the kitchen was a pile of sticks for kindling and two rocks for setting a pot over the fire. No shower, only the occasional bucket of water. Soap was too expensive. Only a draped sheet separated them from their neighbors. Everything was filthy and sandy. Large spiders, cockroaches and other insects crept into the tent.
Aug. 16-26: Fleeing to the sea
Even the “humanitarian zone” was unsafe.
A raid by Israeli troops less than a kilometer (half-mile) away forced Majida and Ne’man to uproot their family once more. They headed toward the Mediterranean coast, not knowing where they’d stay.
Fortunately, they said, they found some acquaintances.
“God bless them, they opened their tent for us and let us live with them for 10 days,” Ne’man said.
Late August: Moving again, no end in sight
When they returned to Muwasi, the Abu Jarads found their tent had been robbed – their food and clothes, all gone.
Since then, the weeks blur together. The family finds survival itself loses meaning in a conflict that seems to have no end.
Food has become even harder to find as supplies entering Gaza drop to their lowest levels of the war.
Israeli drones buzz overhead constantly. The mental strain wears on everyone.
One day, Ne’man said, his youngest daughter, Lana, told him, “You stopped loving me. Because now when I come near you, you say you are fed up and tell me to stay away.”
He kept telling her, “No, darling, I love you. I just can’t bear it all.”
They all dream of home. Ne’man said he learned that his brother’s house next door was destroyed in a strike, and his own home was damaged. He wonders about his flowers. He hopes they survived — even if the house is gone.
The difference between then and now, Majida said, is “the difference between heaven and earth.”
Far from the warmth and affection of home, the Abu Jarads feel themselves surrendering to despair.
“We are jealous,” Majida said. “Jealous of who? Of the people who were killed. Because they found relief while we are still suffering, living horrors, torture and heartbreak.”


Freedom is bittersweet for Palestinians released from Israeli jails

Freedom is bittersweet for Palestinians released from Israeli jails
Updated 57 min 39 sec ago
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Freedom is bittersweet for Palestinians released from Israeli jails

Freedom is bittersweet for Palestinians released from Israeli jails
  • Since the start of the war the number of Palestinians in Israeli jails has doubled to more than 10,000
  • Many prisoners are never told why they were detained

RAMALLAH: When Dania Hanatsheh was released from an Israeli jail this week and dropped off by bus into a sea of jubilant Palestinians in Ramallah, it was an uncomfortable déjà vu.
After nearly five months of detention, it was the second time the 22-year-old woman had been freed as part of a deal between Israel and Hamas to pause the war in Gaza.
Hanatsheh’s elation at being free again is tinged with sadness about the devastation in Gaza, she said, as well as uncertainty about whether she could be detained in the future — a common feeling in her community.
“Palestinian families are prepared to be arrested at any moment,” said Hanatsheh, one of 90 women and teenagers released by Israel during the first phase of the ceasefire deal. “You feel helpless like you can’t do anything to protect yourself.”
Nearly 2,000 Palestinian prisoners are to be released as part of a deal to halt the fighting for six weeks, free 33 hostages from Gaza, and increase fuel and aid deliveries to the territory. Many of the prisoners to be released have been detained for infractions such as throwing stones or Molotov cocktails, while others are convicted of killing Israelis.
Hanatsheh was first arrested in November 2023, just weeks into the war triggered by Hamas’ deadly attack on Israel. She was freed days later during a weeklong ceasefire in which hundreds of Palestinians were released in exchange for nearly half of the roughly 250 hostages Hamas and others dragged into Gaza.
She was detained again in August, when Israeli troops burst through her door, using an explosive, she said.
On neither occasion was she told why she’d been arrested, she said. A list maintained by Israel’s justice ministry says Hanatsheh was detained for “supporting terror,” although she was never charged or given a trial and doesn’t belong to any militant group.
Her story resonates across Palestinian society, where nearly every family — in Gaza, the West Bank and east Jerusalem — has a relative who has spent time in an Israeli jail. This has left scars on generations of families, leaving fewer breadwinners and forcing children to grow up without one or both parents for long stretches.
Since the start of the war 15 months ago, the number of Palestinians in Israeli jails has doubled to more than 10,000, a figure that includes detainees from Gaza, and several thousand arrested in the West Bank and east Jerusalem, according to Hamoked, an Israeli legal group.
Many prisoners are never told why they were detained. Israel’s “administrative detention” policy allows it to jail people — as it did with Hanatsheh — based on secret evidence, without publicly charging them or ever holding a trial. Only intelligence officers or judges know the charges, said Amjad Abu Asab, head of the Detainees’ Parents Committee in Jerusalem.
Under the terms of the ceasefire, the Palestinian prisoners released by Israel cannot be later rearrested on the same charges, or returned to jail to finish serving time for past offenses. Prisoners are not required to sign any document upon their release.
The conditions for Palestinian prisoners deteriorated greatly after the war in Gaza began. The country’s then-national security minister, Itamar Ben-Gvir, boasted last year that prisons will no longer be “summer camps” under his watch.
Several of the prisoners released this week said they lacked adequate food and medical care and that they were forced to sleep in cramped cells.
Men and women prisoners in Israel are routinely beaten and sprayed with pepper gas, and they are deprived of family visits or a change of clothes, said Khalida Jarrar, the most prominent detainee freed.
For years, Jarrar, 62, has been in and out of prison as a leading member of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, a leftist faction with an armed wing that has carried out attacks on Israelis.
Human Rights Watch has decried Jarrar’s repeated arrests — she was last detained late in 2023 — as part of an unjust Israeli crackdown on non-violent political opposition.
At an event in Ramallah to welcome home the newly released prisoners, Jarrar greeted a long line of well- wishers. But not everyone was celebrating. Some families worried the ceasefire wouldn’t last long enough for their relatives to be freed.
During the ceasefire’s first phase, Israel and Hamas and mediators from Qatar, the US and Egypt will try to agree upon a second phase, in which all remaining hostages in Gaza would be released in exchange for more Palestinian prisoners, a complete Israeli withdrawal from Gaza and a “sustainable calm.” Negotiations on the second phase begin on the sixteenth day of the ceasefire.
For Yassar Saadat, the first release of prisoners was a particularly bittersweet moment. His mother, Abla Abdelrasoul, was freed after being under “administrative detention” since September, according to the justice ministry, which said her crime was “security to the state — other.” But his father — one of the most high-profile prisoners in Israel — remains behind bars.
“We don’t know if he’ll be released, but we don’t lose hope,” he said. His father, Ahmad Saadat, is a leader of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine who was convicted of killing an Israeli Cabinet minister in 2001 and has been serving a 30-year sentence.
It’s unclear if he’ll be released and, even if he is, whether he’ll be able to see his family. The ceasefire agreement says all Palestinian prisoners convicted of deadly attacks who are released will be exiled, either to Gaza or abroad, and barred from ever returning to Israel or the West Bank.
The release of some convicted murderers is a sore spot for many Israelis, and particularly those whose relatives were killed.
Micah Avni’s father, Richard Lakin, was shot and stabbed to death by a member of Hamas on a public bus in 2015 and his killer’s name is on the list of prisoners to be freed in phase one. While Avni is grateful that more hostages in Gaza are beginning to come home, he doesn’t believe it’ll lead to long-term peace between Israel and Hamas.
“These deals come with a huge, huge cost of life and there are going to be many, many, many more people murdered in the future by the people who were released,” he said.
Israel has a history of agreeing to lopsided exchanges. In 2011, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu agreed to release more than 1,000 Palestinian prisoners in exchange for a single Israeli soldier, Gilad Schalit, taken hostage by Hamas.
One of the prisoners released during that deal was Hamas’ former top leader, Yahya Sinwar, a mastermind of the Oct. 7 attack who was killed by Israeli troops in Gaza last year.
Some Palestinians said the lopsided exchanges of prisoners for hostages is justified by Israel’s seemingly arbitrary detention policies. Others said, for now, all they want to focus on is lost time with their families.
Amal Shujaeiah said she spent more than seven months in prison, accused by Israel of partaking in pro-Palestinian events at her university and hosting a podcast that talked about the war in Gaza.
Back home, the 21-year-old beamed as she embraced friends and relatives.
“Today I am among my family and loved ones, indescribable joy ... a moment of freedom that makes you forget the sorrow.”


Syria’s economic pains far from over despite Assad’s ouster

Syria’s economic pains far from over despite Assad’s ouster
Updated 54 min 57 sec ago
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Syria’s economic pains far from over despite Assad’s ouster

Syria’s economic pains far from over despite Assad’s ouster
  • Wealthy Gulf countries have pledged to build economic partnerships with Syria’s new interim rulers
  • The United Nations in 2017 estimated that it would cost at least $250 billion to rebuild Syria, now number could reach at least $400 billion

DAMASCUS: Samir Al-Baghdad grabbed his pickax and walked up a wobbly set of stairs made of cinderblocks and rubble.
He is rebuilding his destroyed family house in the Qaboun neighborhood near Damascus, Syria ‘s capital.
The traditional building, which once housed his family, parents and some relatives, had a courtyard decorated with plants and tiled floors where guests were received. But the house, like scores of others nearby, has been reduced to heaps of rubble during years of civil war.
Al-Baghdadi can’t afford to hire workers or rent a bulldozer to clear the debris and fix the house. He makes just about enough money as a mechanic to feed his family. But he’s desperate to rebuild it because he is struggling to pay skyrocketing rent for an apartment.
“Economic opportunities are basically nonexistent,” Al-Baghdadi said, sitting on a pile of rubble and debris where the house’s entrance used to be. “So we’re going to slowly rebuild with our own hands.”
Although Syrian President Bashar Assad was toppled last month in a lightning insurgency, the country’s dire economic conditions that protesters decried have not changed.
The economy has been battered by corruption and 13 years of civil war. Coupled with international sanctions and mismanagement, inflation skyrocketed, pulling some 90 percent of the country into poverty. Over half the population — some 12 million people — don’t know where their next meal will come from, according to the UN World Food Program.
With no sign of a full-scale withdrawal of international sanctions and continuing caution among potential overseas investors, the honeymoon period for the country’s new rulers could be short-lived.
Qaboun, just a stone’s throw away from the city center, and other eastern Damascus neighborhoods became rebel strongholds in 2012, when the country’s mass protests against Assad spiraled into all-out war.
It suffered government airstrikes and artillery fire, and at one point Daesh group extremists. In 2017, government forces reclaimed the neighborhood, but when Al-Baghdadi tried to return in 2020, security forces kicked him out and forced him to sign a pledge to never return, saying it was a security zone that was off limits.
After Assad’s fall, Al-Baghdadi was finally able to return. Like many, he was euphoric and hoped it would pave the way for better times despite the many challenges that lay ahead, including rampant power cuts and fuel shortages.
For years, Syrian families have relied on humanitarian aid and remittances from family members living abroad to survive. On top of the gargantuan costs of rebuilding the country’s destroyed electricity, water and road infrastructure, money is needed to restore its battered agriculture and industrial sectors to make its hobbled economy productive again.
The United Nations in 2017 estimated that it would cost at least $250 billion to rebuild Syria. Some experts now say that number could reach at least $400 billion.
Wealthy Gulf countries have pledged to build economic partnerships with Syria’s new interim rulers, while Washington has eased some restrictions without fully lifting its sanctions. The US Treasury Department issued a six-month license authorizing some transactions with Syria’s interim government. While it includes some energy sales, Syrians say it isn’t enough.
Sinan Hatahet, an economic researcher at the Washington-based Atlantic Council think tank, said the US actions were the “bare minimum” needed to show good faith to Damascus and aren’t enough to help Syria jumpstart its economy.
“It doesn’t help the private sector to engage,” Hatahet said. “The restrictions on trade, the restrictions on reconstruction, on rebuilding the infrastructure are still there.”
While countries are hesitant to make more impactful decisions as they hope for a peaceful political transition, many Syrians say the economy can’t wait.
“Without jobs, without huge flows of money and investments … these families have no way of making ends meet,” Hatahet said.
The executive director of the World Food Program echoed similar sentiments, warning Syria’s neighbors that its food and economic crisis is also a crisis of security.
“Hunger does not breed good will,” Cindy McCain said in an interview during her first visit to Damascus.
In the Syrian capital’s bustling old marketplace, crowds of people pack the narrow passageways as the country’s new de facto flag is draped over the crowded stalls. Merchants say the atmosphere is pleasant and celebratory, but nobody is buying anything.
People stop to smell the aromatic and colorful spices or pose for photos next to masked fighters from the ruling Hayat Tahrir Al-Sham group guarding the market’s entrances.
“We’re very happy with our liberation, thank God, but there are few jobs,” said Walid Naoura, who works with his father at a clothing shop. “Yes, we’ve been relieved of thuggery and oppression, but all these people here have come to celebrate but not to buy anything because things are expensive.”
Nearby, Abou Samir, a carpenter, saws a piece of wood as he assembles a chest of drawers. There is no electricity to power his machinery, so he’s doing it by hand.
“I’m working at a loss … and you can’t make larger workshops work because there is no electricity,” he said.
His sons live abroad and send money to help him get by, but he refuses to stop his carpentry work which has been his livelihood for 50 years.
In Qaboun, Al-Baghdadi sips tea on a makeshift porch overlooking his neighborhood, which has turned into empty plots and a gathering point for local buses and minivans. It was a successful day because he managed to connect an electric cable to power a single light bulb — but part of his roof collapsed.
He still hasn’t been able to secure running water but hopes that he and his family can move into the house with its many memories before summer, even if it is far from completion because of his financial situation.
“I prefer that to living in a palace elsewhere,” Al-Baghdadi said.


US air force looks to upgrade Cyprus air base as humanitarian staging post for the Middle East

US air force looks to upgrade Cyprus air base as humanitarian staging post for the Middle East
Updated 24 January 2025
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US air force looks to upgrade Cyprus air base as humanitarian staging post for the Middle East

US air force looks to upgrade Cyprus air base as humanitarian staging post for the Middle East
  • Cyprus, which is only 184 km from the Lebanese capital, has served as a transit point for the repatriation of foreign nationals fleeing conflict in the Mideast
  • The Cyprus government agreed to the air base upgrade assessment following the recent deployment of a US Marine contingent at the base

NICOSIA, Cyprus: Experts from the US Air Force are looking at ways to upgrade Cyprus’ premier air base for use as a humanitarian staging post in future operations in the Middle East, a Cypriot official told The Associated Press Thursday.
Cyprus, which is only 184 kilometers (114 miles) from the Lebanese capital, Beirut, has acted as a transit point for the repatriation of foreign nationals fleeing conflict in the Middle East and beyond on numerous occasions in the past. It has also served as a transit point for humanitarian aid to Gaza.
Experts from the 435th Contingency Response Group based out of Ramstein, Germany, will spend the next few days at Andreas Papandreou Air Force Base to assess the upgrade needed to accommodate a wide array of US air assets and other forces.
A key priority is to ensure air traffic safety in and around the base, which abuts the island’s second-largest civilian airport, the official said. The base’s location makes it easy to transfer evacuees onto civilian aircraft at the adjacent airport for their trip home.
The official spoke to the Associated Press on condition of anonymity because he’s not authorized to speak publicly about the details of the experts’ visit.
Air traffic safety would need to be enhanced through new high-tech installations, including state-of-the-art radar, to ensure the independent operation of civilian and military aircraft at safe distances.
“The Americans are very specific on safety issues and want to make some upgrades to further improve the base’s safety,” the official said.
Other essential upgrades include expanding both the base itself and the runway to accommodate more transport and fighter aircraft. Hardened shelters to protect those air assets are also envisioned.
The Cyprus government agreed to the air base upgrade assessment following the recent deployment of a US Marine contingent at the base. The Marines, who were equipped with V-22 Osprey tiltrotor military transport and cargo aircraft, were on stand-by in the event of a swift evacuation of US citizens from nearby Lebanon during Israel’s strikes against Hezbollah targets late last year.
Deputy government spokesman Yannis Antoniou told the state broadcaster Thursday that any use of the base by the forces of the US or other nations would require prior Cyprus government approval. He insisted the air base would not act as a forward base for military strike operations against targets in the region.
“We’ve shown interest in working with (US Forces) because we consider this to serve the vital interests of the Cyprus Republic,” Antoniou said, adding that in their report, the USAF experts will offer an estimate of the upgrade costs and which percentage of those the US government would be willing to cover.
Bilateral relations between European Union member Cyprus and the US, especially in terms of military cooperation, have grown significantly over the last few years following a pledge by Cypriot President Nikos Christodoulides to affirm the ethnically divided country’s “clear Western orientation.”
A manifestation of those ties was last week’s directive by former President Joe Biden that allows Cyprus to buy arms from the US government and get surplus American military equipment.
The Cypriot government noted the development as a tangible acknowledgment of Cyprus’ reliability as a US partner in the region.


US Secretary of State Rubio backs ‘inclusive’ transition in Syria in call with Turkiye

US Secretary of State Rubio backs ‘inclusive’ transition in Syria in call with Turkiye
Updated 24 January 2025
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US Secretary of State Rubio backs ‘inclusive’ transition in Syria in call with Turkiye

US Secretary of State Rubio backs ‘inclusive’ transition in Syria in call with Turkiye
  • Rubio’s comments signal a consistency with his predecessor Antony Blinken, who used similar language as he called on Syria’s new leaders to protect minority rights and not pose a threat to neighboring countries

WASHINGTON: US Secretary of State Marco Rubio called for an inclusive transition in Syria after the fall of leader Bashar Assad, in a call with powerbroker Turkiye, the State Department said Thursday.
Rubio’s comments signal a consistency with his predecessor Antony Blinken, who on a trip to the region last month used similar language as he called on Syria’s new leaders to protect minority rights and not pose a threat to neighboring countries.
In a call with Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan that took place Wednesday, Rubio “highlighted the need for an inclusive transition in Syria,” State Department spokeswoman Tammy Bruce said.
Rubio also called for “ensuring that the new government prevents Syria from becoming a source for international terrorism, and denying foreign malign actors the opportunity to exploit Syria’s transition for their own objectives,” she said.
Assad, allied with Iran and Russia, had ruthlessly crushed an uprising that erupted in 2011 but was swiftly deposed last month in a lightning raid by Turkish-backed rebels formerly affiliated with Al-Qaeda.
Turkish-backed fighters have been battling Kurdish forces in Syria, who allied with the United States in the battle against the Daesh (IS) extremist group but who Ankara associates with Kurdish militants at home.
 


‘Living in a cage’: West Bank checkpoints proliferate after Gaza truce

‘Living in a cage’: West Bank checkpoints proliferate after Gaza truce
Updated 24 January 2025
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‘Living in a cage’: West Bank checkpoints proliferate after Gaza truce

‘Living in a cage’: West Bank checkpoints proliferate after Gaza truce
  • According to the Palestinian Wall Resistance Commission, 146 iron gates were erected around the West Bank after the Gaza war began

TAYBEH, Palestinian Territories: Father Bashar Basiel moved freely in and out of his parish in the occupied West Bank until Israeli troops installed gates at the entrance of his village Taybeh overnight, just hours after a ceasefire began in Gaza.
“We woke up and we were surprised to see that we have the iron gates in our entrance of Taybeh, on the roads that are going to Jericho, to Jerusalem, to Nablus,” said Basiel, a Catholic priest in the Christian village north of Ramallah.
All over the West Bank, commuters have been finding that their journey to work takes much longer since the Gaza ceasefire started.
“We have not lived such a difficult situation (in terms of movement) since the Second Intifada,” Basiel told AFP in reference to a Palestinian uprising in the early 2000s.
He said he was used to the checkpoints, which are dotted along the separation barrier that cuts through much of the West Bank and at the entrances to Palestinian towns and cities.
But while waiting times got longer in the aftermath of the October 2023 Hamas attack that sparked the Gaza war, now it has become almost impossible to move between cities and villages in the West Bank.
Left-leaning Israeli newspaper Haaretz reported that Israeli authorities ordered the military to operate dozens of checkpoints around the West Bank during the first 42 days of the ceasefire.
According to the Palestinian Wall Resistance Commission, 146 iron gates were erected around the West Bank after the Gaza war began, 17 of them in January alone, bringing the total number of roadblocks in the Palestinian territory to 898.
“Checkpoints are still checkpoints, but the difference now is that they’ve enclosed us with gates. That’s the big change,” said Anas Ahmad, who found himself stuck in traffic for hours on his way home after a usually open road near the university town of Birzeit was closed.
Hundreds of drivers were left idling on the road out of the city as they waited for the Israeli soldiers to allow them through.
The orange metal gates Ahmad was referring to are a lighter version of full checkpoints, which usually feature a gate and concrete shelters for soldiers checking drivers’ IDs or searching their vehicles.
“The moment the truce was signed, everything changed 180 degrees. The Israeli government is making the Palestinian people pay the price,” said Ahmad, a policeman who works in Ramallah.
Israeli military spokesman Nadav Shoshani did not comment on whether there had been an increase in the number of checkpoints but said the military used them to arrest wanted Palestinian militants.
“We make sure that the terrorists do not get away but the civilians have a chance to get out or go wherever they want and have their freedom of movement,” he said in a media briefing on Wednesday.
Basiel said that now, when the gates are closed, “I have to wait, or I have to take another way” into Taybeh, a quiet village known for its brewery.
He said that on Monday people waited in their cars from 4:00 p.m. to 2:00 am while each vehicle entering the village was meticulously checked.
Another Ramallah area resident, who preferred not to be named for security reasons, compared his new environment to that of a caged animal.
“It’s like rabbits living in a cage. In the morning they can go out, do things, then in the evening they have to go home to the cage,” he said.
Shadi Zahod, a government employee who commutes daily between Salfit and Ramallah, felt similarly constrained.
“It’s as if they’re sending us a message: stay trapped in your town, don’t go anywhere,” he told AFP.
“Since the truce, we’ve been paying the price in every Palestinian city,” he said, as his wait at a checkpoint in Birzeit dragged into a third hour.
Before approving the Gaza ceasefire, Israel’s security cabinet reportedly added to its war goals the “strengthening of security” in the West Bank.
Israeli human rights group B’Tselem said in a statement on Tuesday that Israel “is merely shifting its focus from Gaza to other areas it controls in the West Bank.”
A 2019 academic paper by Jerusalem’s Applied Research Institute estimated that at the time Palestinians lost 60 million work hours per year to restrictions.
But for Basiel, the worst impact is an inability to plan even a day ahead.
“The worst thing that we are facing now, is that we don’t have any vision for the near future, even tomorrow.”