Netanyahu and the sacking of the Shin Bet chief

There is never a dull moment in Israeli politics, and as much as the announcement by the Israeli government of the dismissal of Ronen Bar, the chief of the Shin Bet (one of Israel’s security services), had been expected for some time, the timing of it was still a surprise.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has always, behind the masquerade he has created of being a great strategist and ideologist of the right, been mostly a self-serving and manipulative politician for whom the country and its people are mere tools for fulfilling his own political and personal ambitions.
However, the more he and his close political advisers become embroiled in investigations into lawbreaking activities, including allegations of acting against the interests of state security, and because Netanyahu himself feels the pressure while giving evidence in court in his corruption case, the more toxic his attacks on the democratic system’s gatekeepers become.
Netanyahu’s justification for his attempt (it is still to be deliberated in court) to remove Bar from his post was what he claimed to be “ongoing distrust” in the head of one of the country’s most important and powerful security organizations. Had Bar not been a civil servant, he would probably have declared his own mistrust of Netanyahu, to whom he reports. To be sure, the loyalty of the head of Shin Bet is supposed to be to the country and its people, not to his boss.
As head of the organization that failed to avert Oct. 7, with such deadly consequences, Bar had the integrity and honesty to admit, almost immediately and in common with many military commanders, responsibility for his part in this colossal failure. He vowed to leave his post before the end of his tenure, should the war end and all the hostages be returned before that date.
Bar’s conduct stands in stark contrast to that of Netanyahu, who still has not accepted any responsibility for Oct. 7, the most death-dealing onslaught against Israelis in a single day since the country was established. Instead he has put the entire blame on the security forces and, shamefully and grotesquely, on his personal and political opponents.
What irked and angered Netanyahu in particular, causing him to completely lose all sense of judgment and composure, was the decision by Shin Bet to launch an investigation, with the Israeli Police, into two of Netanyahu’s spokespersons and a former strategic adviser over financial ties to a foreign entity.
One of them, Eli Feldstein, a spokesperson in the prime minister’s office who had no security clearance, was arrested on suspicion of leaking stolen, classified intelligence information to be published in the foreign press. It was information he should not have been privy to, and was allegedly leaked with the intention of undermining a ceasefire deal.
These investigations into the activities of some of Netanyahu’s closest advisers seem to have rattled the prime minister more than ever, indicating that the allegations may well be true and he himself may also have a few questions to answer.
A few days before the attempt to dismiss Bar, the intelligence chief’s immediate predecessor in the job, Nadav Argaman, dropped a bombshell during an interview on Israel’s Channel 12 news when he claimed to be in possession of a wealth of information that would compromise Netanyahu, and threatened to make it public should the prime minister be shown to have broken the law. Netanyahu responded with a complaint to the police and by accusing Argaman of blackmailing him.

Netanyahu should not be allowed to fiddle while everything around him burns.

Yossi Mekelberg

It might be true that Argaman could have expressed himself better and, most importantly, if he indeed knows anything about the prime minister that would be in the interest of the public to know, or which might compromise national security, he should take it to the police rather than announce it on TV.
However, Argaman’s exasperation with the current government, and especially the person who leads it, reflects similar sentiments held by many people from all walks of life, who are dedicated to serving their country and who feel they can no longer remain silent when faced with a prime minister who cynically and relentlessly polarizes the country for his own personal interests, and appears to be seeking the destruction of the very foundations of the democratic system while the country is in the middle of a security emergency.
Even setting aside the reasons and the timing of the efforts to replace Bar, the utter disrespect for legal procedure is also a grave cause for concern, especially given the conflict of interest at a time when Shin Bet is investigating allegations of criminal behavior in the prime minister’s office.
It is because of this that Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara has insisted Netanyahu must consult her first before making such consequential decisions that have implications for the country’s security.
Alas, the prime minister wants her to go, too. Baharav-Miara is a thorn in his side, for all the right reasons: she is not afraid of him and fears only the collapse of the rule of law.
In terms of protecting Israeli democracy, she increasingly resembles the mythical Little Dutch Boy who plugged the leak in the dike with his finger all night long to prevent the waters from bursting through and flooding Haarlem. In her case, Baharav-Miara is preventing a flood of antidemocratic legislation, the firing of people without due process, and appointments to senior government positions of people without the necessary qualifications for the jobs, while she simultaneously attempts to ensure that the government abides by the rule of law.
The hope is that by fighting these battles there will still be democracy in Israel come the next election, and even if it is battered and bruised it will still be capable of resuscitation.
Populist authoritarianism has always been part and parcel of the methods of Netanyahu and certain elements in Likud, but now it is entirely what characterizes them and dominates their behavior. However, it is also a sign of panic, as is, to a large extent, the resumption of the war in Gaza.
Netanyahu is increasingly losing his cool and composure when he gives evidence in his corruption trial. He presents himself as a victim of a “deep state” that exists only in his mind, and the mere suggestion that he appoint a state commission of inquiry into the failures of Oct. 7 visibly angers him. He refuses to meet the Israeli press, communicating with the public through social media and recorded statements.
It all makes him look weaker and more vulnerable than ever — albeit also more dangerous, especially if the opposition is foolish enough not to take advantage of this.
Netanyahu’s behavior increasingly reminds many of us of those authoritarian leaders who, in the winter of their political lives, lose touch with reality and, in their paranoia, eliminate (not necessarily physically) those they believe to be standing in their way — mainly because, deep down, they know that their days in power are numbered.
The move to dismiss Ronen Bar is further evidence of this from Netanyahu but nevertheless, he should not be allowed to fiddle while everything around him burns.

• Yossi Mekelberg is a professor of international relations and an associate fellow of the MENA Program at Chatham House. X: @YMekelberg